SECURITY
1 Andreea Emilia DUŢĂ attends the Bucharest University and actually is engaged a study program within ”A.S.
Puskin” Institute, Moscow. Email: [email protected]
2 Recall the statement in UN General Assembly Resolution 67/44 on Measures to prevent terrorists from
acquiring weapons of mass destruction “Emphasizing that progress is urgently needed in the area of
disarmament and non -proliferation in order to maintain international peace and security and to contribute to
global efforts against terrorism”, and recognize that there is a need to make further progress in this regard. The
Ministerial Declaration from the International Conference on Nuclear Security: Enhancing Global Efforts, 1
July 2013 (Annex of document GOV/INF/2013/9-GC(57)/INF/6), Preamble and Para. 4.
3 Invite States that have not yet done so to make a political commitment to implement the n on-legally-binding
Code of Conduct on the Safety and Security of Radioactive Sources and supplementary Guidance on the Import
and Export of Radioactive Sources , and encourage all States to implement these instruments and to maintain
effective security of r adioactive sources throughout their life cycle. The Ministerial Declaration from the
International Conference on Nuclear Security: Enhancing Global Efforts, 1 July 2013 (Annex of document
GOV/INF/2013/9-GC(57)/INF/6), Preamble and Para. 4.
4 The objective of the Nuclear Security Plan 2014 –2017 is to contribute to global efforts to achieve effective
security wherever nuclear and other radioactive material is in use, storage and/or transport, and of associated
facilities by supporting States, upon request, in their efforts to meet their national responsibilities and
international obligations, to reduce risks and to respond appropriately to threats. Nuclear Security Plan 2014 –
2017, GOV/2013/42-GC(57)/19, 2 August 2013.
Research and Science Today No. 2(8)/2014
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TWO IMPERFECT ATTEMPTS: DISARMAMENT AND NON-
PROLIFERATION
In the sixth decade of the last century, the strategic approach to the issue of
disarmament failed to change the international effort towards non -proliferation and limiting
risks. US-Soviet discusions on the reduction and limitation of st rategic weapons, offensive
and defensive,5 concluded that the damage caused by a nuclear war are huge and continuous
improvement of these weapons worse consequences.
In the seventh decade of the last century, disarmament is replaced by the international
nuclear non -proliferation agenda, the nuclear powers mantain nuclear strategic advantages
and privileges protects its active position in addressing the nuclear issue.
The parallel development of strategic missile and missile defense systems, including
the ef fects of the disaster revealed destruction of nuclear warheads by defense interceptors
defensive systems - project Grushin, 6 system components Taran medium range and long -
range7, project Avrora, 8 the project system of A -135 accompanied by the development o f
operational-tactical scale missile defense of Moscow. A new stage begins with the
development of the concept of missile defense, including a spatial dimension having
responsibilities.9
In the period 1950 -1970, from a position of unique nuclear superpower USA finds
catching the USSR 10 and world formula promotes five nuclear powers. 11 "The threat
polygonal" - if the Cold War nuclear games were controlled by the two major powers in the
second nuclear age, each member of the nuclear club threatens many countrie s, an
unprecedented challenge.12
5 The Treaty banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water (1963), the
Treaty on the Non -Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT, 1968). Article VI of NPT committed the nuclear
powers “to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race
at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a Treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict
and effective international control.” ABM treaty (1972).
6 Grushin’s Experimental Design Bureau. V -1000 interceptor missile, ground-based system of missile defense
codenamed “A”. See I. D. Yevtiev, “Iz istorii sozdania zenitnoraketnogo shchita Rossii – o sozdanii zenitnykh
upravlyayemykh raket i zenitno -raketnykh kompleksov v Rossii i stranakh NATO” (“From the History of the
Development of the Missile Defense Shield of Moscow: On the Development of Guided Missiles for Air
Defense Systems in Russia and NATO countries”), (Moscow: Vyzovksaya kniga, 2000), 75.
7 The long- and medium-range components of the Taran system with multi-channel radar stations of the TsSO-S
type. See M. Pervov, “Sistemy raketno -kosmicheskoi oboroni sozdavalis tak” (“This is How the Space and
Missile Defense Systems of the Country were Created”), 2nd ed., AVIARIUS-XXI, 2004, 161.
8. The project would take place in three phases: first shield around Moscow, the European part of the USSR, the
Asian part of the USSR supported by two rounds of radio stations to intercept and impact with interceptors.
Huge costs have blocked full deployment of the project.See M. Pervov, “Sistemy raketno-kosmicheskoi oboroni
sozdavalis tak” (“This is How the Space and Missile Defense Systems of the Country were Created”), 2nd ed.,
AVIARIUS-XXI, 2004, 173.
9 concepts of ballistic missile defense (BMD) systems.
10 Halperin group’s report, “we came to an inevitable conclusion that none of the existing American strategic
programs could give us the predominance that we had in the 1950s.”
11 The Five Polar Power World formula (U.S., USSR, China, Western Europe and Jap an). În 1974, The ABM
Treaty is signed together with an Interim Agreement on Certain Measures with Respect to the Limitation of
Strategic Offensive Arms.
12 The author presents the geopolitical area Middle East: as if Iran will have nuclear weapons at their disposal,
then Egypt and Saudi Arabia will try to procure such weapons also followed automatically by Syria; in the
second phase, the United States and Israel will be threate ned and possibly a third phase - after a race of having
irrational nuclear weapons - triggering a regional nuclear war. Andrei Kokoshin, Ensuring Strategic Stability in
the Past and Present: Theoretical and Applied Questions , Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs,
(Harvard Kennedy School, 2011), 2.
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ABMT becomes the text model of many international agreements based on the
principle of equality and equal security by limiting and prohibitions. The provisions
regarding limitations of each signatory state from MD system - include maximun 100
interceptors and 100 launchers arranged in only two areas, each with a radius of 150 km -
reflected nuclear balance, the main component of the strategic military balance at the time,
later called official "strategic stability". 13 It is recognized by both superpowers that provision
of strategic missile submarines raise uncertainty in the forecast of a potential nuclear conflict.
In the next period it followed a new spiral of potential nuclear confrontation with the
Soviet deployment of SS -2014 and Pershing II 15 by the United States and the launch of the
SDI program with the threat of withdrawal of ABMT.
Scientific and technological auspices of a new spiral, this time in space, enabling the
production of anti-satellite weapons systems for the a nnihilation of adversary satellites - orbit
flying already known - virtually ensuring protection of nuclear warheads. New anti -satellite
weapons spiral brings new threats, reconnaissance satellites, the missile warning system and
satellite systems infrastructure. Without being based on a bilateral moratorium on conducting
mutually and testing anti -satellite weapons, respected by the USSR and the USA, between
198516 - 2008.17
US strategic orientation is based on the "preemptive military action" 18 and it raises
some ambiguity regarding the materialization option proactive defense and efficiency of its
space vehicles.19
Anti-satellite technology is of great diversity - depending on the location (on land,
water, air, space), the energy used (kinetic, energetic), tac tics (to malfunction, blindness),
vector - MiG-31 and F-15 and space mines.
After the Cold War, US and USSR in a joint statement commits to strengthen
strategic stability.20
The deterioration of US -Russian relations, participation trends blocked multilatera l
nuclear issues, returning to Cold War superpowers binomial but much changed coordinated
with development potential unpredictable.
Currently, there is an unanimous need for a regulated framework for nuclear safety.21
13 The term “strategic stability” was used in the U.S. -USSR Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty [INF
Treaty] as of 1987, and the START I Treaty as of 1991.
14 SS-20 - Pioneer medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs), which carried three MIRV warheads.
15 Pershing II (MRBM) and ground -launched cruise missiles (GLCMs), with stronger capability to hit hard
targets (including underground command posts).
16 The United States conducted a test of its anti -satellite weapons, hitting a low -orbit satel lite with an
experimental air-deployed ballistic missile called the SRAM-Altair.
17 When sea-launched missiles hit a U.S. reconnaissance satellite. Before that, China conducted an anti -satellite
missile test using a German interceptor missile.
18 The principle of taking preemptive military action against any threat to the U.S. national security, which was
defined in the U.S. 2002 National Security Strategy.
19 See Marc Kaufman, Dafna Linzer, “China Criticized for Ant i-Satellite Missile Test,” Washington Post, 19
January 2007. Available at
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/01/18/AR2007011801029.html.
20 The statement said that future negotiations on the reduction of strategic nuclear arms should be aimed at
“further reduction of the risk of war, especially nuclear war, enhancement of strategic stability, transparency and
predictability by way of further stabilizing reductions of the strategic arsenals of both countries. This shall be
achieved th rough the pursuit of arrange ments that increase survivability, eliminate incentives for the first
nuclear strike, and embody the relevant interrelation between the strategic offensive and defensive means.”
21 The Agency supports the international legal fra mework for nuclear security through the promotion of the
relevant legally binding and non -binding instruments under Agency auspices and the development of
comprehensive guidance in the Nuclear Security Series in accordance with the publications plan agreed by the
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DIRECTIONS OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE SECOND NUCLEAR AGE
Nuclear governance includes a series of measures that states adhere even if against
their interests. An important role is played by specific regions interstate - relations crises,
conflicts - regional balance of conventional forces, alliances etc.22
Arms control and governance are built on mutual basis, on matters of strategic
significance serious point but usually not used through legal instruments. Under these
arrangements, which have delicate granted both the international dimension and the national
sovereignty, the center pivot is the risk that nuclear weapons are drawn.
There is a major distinction to disarmament and non -proliferation even if they are
correlated, because if its interests are ignored governance and the other are promoted.
A direction of development of the nuclear age is the nuclear fuel cycle control;
although steps in developing a multilateral management known variants since the Cold War,
but no progress is made.23
Currently, institutions, arrangements and practice do not operate as a coherent
complex, unable to speak the universal legitimacy, especially since the legal instruments are
flexible and allow the nuances of official positions and they are subject to a perfect diet do
not necessarily mean progress, even they are inserted in the instruments of international
law.24 The relationship between the United Nations and IAEA closes all Security Council
resolutions, according to international instruments, a trend to these data primarily involving
international unlikely law changes.25
Non-proliferation is dependent on nuclear technology which currently does not offer a
viable solution to restrict the production of nuclear weapons but also to allow the use of
nuclear energy for civilian purposes on a large scale. 26 Duality of nuc lear technology, the
spread of knowledge and capabilities seriously limits controlled by technology and the option
of using nuclear fuel cycle.
Although the NPT is opened for signature for over 45 years, it is signed by 189
countries of which 40 are estima ted to be able to produce and develop nuclear weapons, an
alternative to this agreement was made with although the NPT should be strengthened and
developed. For the new nuclear era, NWS and NNWS philosophy are the pillars for non -
NSGC. The importance of strengthening the framework was indicated in paragraphs 9, 10, 11, 17, and 20 of the
Ministerial Declaration. See Nuclear Security Plan 2014–2017, GOV/2013/42-GC(57)/19, 2 August 2013.
22See Nuclear Security Plan 2014–2017, GOV/2013/42-GC(57)/19, 2 August 2013.
23 Electricity from nuclear reactors is particularly important to parts of the industrialized world. Currently, only
six countries have enrichment facilities supplying the commercial world market: France, Germany, the
Netherlands, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Thus the international community is thinking
hard about how to manage the nuclear fuel market and is looking to different forms of fuel assurances to
dissuade additional countries from launching their own enrichment capacity. See Erwann O. Michel-Kerjan and
Debra K. Decker, „Insure to Assure. A New Paradigm for Nuclear Nonproliferation and International Security”,
Innovations / spring 2009, 142-143.
24 Declaring their intention to achieve at the e arliest possible date the cessation of the nuclear arms race and to
undertake effective measures in the direction of nuclear disarmament. See the Treaty on the Non -Proliferation
of Nuclear Weapons, had entered into force on 5 March 1970.
25 ARTICLE I – Principles. 1. The United Nations recognizes the International Atomic Energy Agency
(hereinafter referred to as the Agency) as the agency, under the aegis of the United Nations as specified in this
Agreement, responsible for international acti vities concerned with the peaceful uses of atomic energy in
accordance with its Statute, without prejudice to the rights and responsibilities of the United Nations in this field
under the Charter. See Agreement Governing the Relationship Between the United Nations and the International
Atomic Energy Agency, 19th day of June 1959.
26 “The biggest risk to the nonproliferation regime today comes from the spread of fissile material production
capability.” See Anatoly Dyakov, “Nuclear Fuel Cycle Security,” in Nuclear Proliferation: New Technologies,
Weapons, Treaties, ed. Alexei Arbatov and Vladimir Dvorkin (Moscow: Carnegie Moscow Center, 2009), 39.
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59
proliferation, disarmament and peaceful use of nuclear technology, which was built on NPT
and might become obsolete.27
Relationship disarmament – non-proliferation in the NPT frame is regarded
differently in the NWS to NNWS, namely disarmament, including nuclear is the final object
of this treaty. 28 Regarding nuclear disarmament, it concerns both NWS and NNWS as ways
to block the proliferation of nuclear weapons not only market in the current reform agenda
and the NPT.29
Spectacular developments in technology make changes even over sub stance risks,
imposing periodic evaluations. Need verification mechanisms on nuclear material is
particularly acute.
Nuclear governance develops a multi -purpose structure formed with the corollary
consensus on a wide range of issues in economic trends and conditions that involve a number
of states tehnologic increasingly larger, including non -state actors. A global nuclear order is
dependent on regulations, policies and international relations, military -political paradigms,
the intensity of promoting the in terests of states and international organizations. 30
Obsolescence agreement on conventional arms in Europe and NATO option for extended
nuclear threat and maintaining tactical nuclear weapons are major determinants of nuclear
safety.
Adapting the current system at the second nuclear age, although it has supported
nuclear power policy statements, it is conducted in an imperceptible pace; nuclear summits
have not solved any of the major issues in the field and the NPT review conferences may be
the new proposals. NPT Review Conference (2015) 31 will be a setback in achieving strategic
disarmament obligations if cuts are not continued by Russia and the United States are
negotiating strategic issues, although accused of nuclear preserve their privileged role.32
Maintaining nuclear doctrine which promotes the principle of reducing the importance
of nuclear factor gives a boost to NWS to avoid proliferation even exacerbate inequity treaty
parties.33 NNWS will continue to seek NWS to honor its obligations under the NPT. 34
27 “The NPT is designed, first and foremost, to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. The other two elements
of the treaty are not really pillars at all; they are subordinate clauses under the central purpose of nuclear
nonproliferation.” See Baker Spring, The Misleading Messages from the Nonproliferation Treaty Review
Conference, Heritage Foundation Web Memo No. 2924, June 3, 2010, 1.
28 “Broadly speaking, the Movement remains united in the conviction that the ultimate goal of the NPT is
nuclear disarmament. . . . Unlike nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation was never a central tenet of the Non -
Aligned Movement.” See Wi lliam Potter and Gaukhar Mukhatzhanova, Principles vs. Pragmatism: The Non -
Aligned Movement and Nuclear Politics (London: Routledge, 2012), 41–42.
29 See Scott D. Sagan et al., Shared Responsibilities for Nuclear Disarmament: A Global Debate, (Cambridge,
Mass.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2010).
30 See Andrei Kokoshin, Ensuring Strategic Stability in the Past and Present: Theoretical and Applied
Questions, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School 2011.
31 The Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).
32 Brazil’s perspective on the NPT system, for example, the regime is seen as a “politically driven tool in the
hands of the United States to lay down the law” and reflects an effort by great powers to use international norms
“to impose their will on weaker nations.” See Trita Parsi, A Single Role of the Dice: Obama’s Diplomacy with
Iran (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2012), 177.
33 “The most fundamental problem with the nuclear nonproliferation regime is, in itself, a double standard: the
inherent asymmetry, or inequality, between the nuclear haves and have -nots.” See Mohamed ElBaradei, The
Age of Deception: Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2011), 236.
34 For the foreseeable future, the NWS are not prepared to do what the majority of NPT member states wish
them to do and believe they are legally obligated to do. See Sverre Lodgaard, Nuclear Disarmament and Non-
Proliferation: Towards a Nuclear-Weapon-Free World? (New York: Routledge, 2010).
Research and Science Today No. 2(8)/2014
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Reducing nuclear arsenals under current levels through substantial revision of the situation in
the subject of complex multilateral program.35
It should be emphasized that the basic building an edifice of nuclear governance
consists of conventional, nucl ear-strategic relationship (precision strike, counter of it). One
solution is to reach agreement between the parties with some nuclear purposes.
The nuclear landscape is a collection of correlation between political and military
structures on the escalatin g levels of nuclear confrontation, fighting variants crisis, assessing
the consequences of nuclear conflict outbreak. Status quantitative and qualitative symmetry
of the two nuclear superpowers, is affected when one of the parties achieve superiority and
the other party does not take countermeasures in response defining the strategic situation as
stable or unstable.36 An unstable strategic situation entails a risk of nuclear conflict.
Overcoming a level of arsenals of nuclear weapons ("safe limit" or "stabil ity limit")37
with a huge destructive capacity, reporting to the state renders the symmetry of the two
nuclear superpowers because their destructive power draw unimaginable consequences.
Considered as the starting point of calibration consequences, the brea kthrough of the arsenals
is indispesabil for negotiations various arrangements in the field - to reduce and limit their
strategic forces composition.
Technical and operational uncertainties of executing a massive preemptive strike,
synchronized and at some point the trajectories of struggle, other than testing on hundreds of
targets are sufficiently strong so as to strengthen strategic nuclear symmetry. Destruction
guaranteed a certain target is questioned by "fratricidal effect of warheads" and the fact th at
the first shot will mask the location of the target by the dust that lifted into the air;
consequences of this effect are impossible to estimate when launching a rocket volleys
1000.38
Strategic stability is defined by the "stability margins" which relat es to external and
internal factors - including scientific research and technological developments that negatively
influence the results of certain weapons systems - the impact on strategic nuclear defense.39
Nuclear deterrence is dependent on the requirements set by the potential need: nuclear
ammunition to cause unacceptable losses opponent, protecting forces will execute
countercoup, the ratio of forces and missile defense systems opponent.
The opposing party decides that the losses are unacceptable and b y developing crisis,
the degree of damage to the national potential options available; scenario with 300 shots,
each with 0.5 MT, executed on several hundred industrial centers.40
Regarding response kicks can choose between: kick ball response, countercoup and
counterattack.
In the literature, it is observed that although the USSR had a huge arsenal of missiles
and warheads placed in silos, a small proportion of these were designed to counter because
35 See First Report of the Deep Cuts Commission, Preparing for Deep Cuts: Options for Enhancing Euro -
Atlantic and International Security , April 2014. The Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the
University of Hamburg (IFSH), the Washington -based Arms Control Association (ACA) and the Institute of
World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO, RAN).
36 This situation has existed for a long period of time: the United States had more warheads missiles while the
Soviet Union had to make serious efforts to pass the multiple warhead missiles equipped with MIRVs.
37 “safety margin” or “stability margin.”
38 See Andrei Kokoshin, Ensuring Strategic Stability in the Past and Present: Theoretical and Applied
Questions, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School 2011, 22.
39 See V. Z. Dvorkin, “K voprosu o formirovanii politiki natsi onalnoi bezopasnosti” (“On the Formation of
National Security Policy”), World Economy and Foreign Affairs, 2004, No. 13, 52–56.
40 See Y. A. Trutnev, “Na blago Rossii: K 75 -letiu akademiki RAN Yu. A. Trutneva” (“For the Benefit of
Russia: Dedicated to the 7 5th Anniversary of Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Y. A.
Trutnev”), Sarov, Saransk: Krasnyi Oktyabr, 2002, 334.
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they were not insured against the effects of massive hits. The vulnerability was fixed by
ensuring mobility and improved performance of shot response.41
Running counter strike depends on the warning systems42 - two levels of satellites and
radar systems - which offer only a few minutes to a political decision on wh at kind of
reaction must be adopted.
Unauthorized or accidental use of nuclear weapons could trigger a nuclear war:
technical errors, deficiencies in information analysis and decision making, strategic
evaluations superficial, a highly stressful environment that tainted the institutional
framework. A tactical decision to launch missiles with nuclear warheads without the leader of
the state agreement is possible with very serious consequences. Preventing accidental
triggering nuclear war is a main direction in the organization of the command and control of
strategic forces.
Besides prevention and control required escalation to a profound political -military
crisis may turn to nuclear war.43
A development that exacerbated the distinction between conventional war and nuclear
war is the introduction of tactical nuclear weapons and tactical operational concept limited
nuclear war as artillery shells. Initially limited nuclear war option was developed by the
United States in response to the conventional balance of forces favorable to the opponent, but
at present, although they were substantially reduced and withdrawn deposits constitute the
foundation of Russia's national security.44
Nuclear deterrence is the concept that summed up two opposing sides; on the one
hand, the need to deter any adversary risk of being destroyed from the first shot, on the other
hand, your opponent must show its
The belief that the opponent can not execute a preemptive strike but has the ability to
support strikes are in response t o vulnerability (damage you may suffer) and mutual
invulnerability (kicks opponent response will produce losses).
SDI45 Strategic Defense Initiative - a program conducted in space defense costs higher
than the "Manhattan Project" - and the deployment of medium-range missiles in Europe, they
obliged the USSR to develop a response strategy but with a symmetrical profile in fact a new
level of Soviet arms race that it did not allow for financial reasons. The Soviet response
strategies at asymmetric -symmetrical replace principle, divided into three areas: increasing
invulnerability strategic forces, offensive and improving measures to neutralize the space
stations with high power lasers. Approach on the basis of asymmetric threat, although usually
the reaction is built on the principle of symmetry, introducing new parameters for assessing
the balance of determined opponents of power-capability ratio.
Asymmetric reaction to SDI - an expanded missile defense system - based on three
types of response, organized by ty pe of impact during activation, vital and vulnerable targets
of SDI, revealed the importance of reducing non -selectivity. Development of nuclear
weapons for destruction without collateral damage, on which the doctrine formulated various
41 See V. Z. Dvorkin “K voprosu o formirovanii politiki natsionalnoi bezopasnosti” (“On the Formation of
National Security Policy”), World Economy and Foreign Affairs, no. 13, 2004.
42 early warning systems (EWS).
43 The non-use of nuclear weapons since 1945 certainly remains the single most important phenomenon of the
nuclear age. See Tannenwald, Nina (2007). The Nuclear Taboo: The Un ited States and the Non-Use of Nuclear
Weapons Since 1945. Cambridge Studies in International Relations, No. 87. New York: Cambridge University
Press.
44 See “Yadernoye oruzhie posle ‘kholodnoi voiny’” (A. G. Arbatov and V. Z. Dvorkin, “Nuclear Weapons after
the Cold War”), Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2006, 34.
45 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI).
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62
concepts of limited nuclear war and multiple perspectives on controlled nuclear conflict
contributed to the post-nuclear revolution in military art.
Joined the proliferation of nuclear security must solve an issue in the agenda of
international politics, 46 the relationship be tween nuclear and terrorist intentions with
consequences difficult to predict in the future. Attention to define nuclear installations to be
protected47 and the need to regulate the system of criminal breach of this agreement 48
signifies the seriousness of the situation.
REGIONAL NUCLEAR SECURITY RELATIONSHIP WITH RUSSIA -US
BALANCE
In terms of regional security, the status of nuclear power by a state reconfigures
regional and global relations of power; status of nuclear power itself, minimizing uncertainty
- France and Japan distrustful of protccţia US - offset imbalance conventional balance.
Having the status of nuclear power in Iran 49 exchange ratios in the south -west Asia
from nuclear pentagon - China, India, 50 Pakistan, Russia and Israel – to the hexagon,
heptagon possible - entering Saudi Arabia supported by Pakistan in the system - which will
interact with the nuclear balance Russia -US. In East Asia, the status of nuclear power by the
North Korean nuclear complex will generate a polygon, without excluding the entry of Japan
into the nuclear spiral.
Regional nuclear security relationship balance Russia -US required that states should
detect the pentagon, hexagon, etc., inside and balance directly in a process of transition from
a structure to another.
Russia-US nuclear balance in terms of nuclear security is higher than in the past,
though there are still dangerous aspects - US withdrawal from ABMT (2002), development of
an American missile defense combat power to annihilate Russia, if not a huge expense for a
higher level of invulnerability. USA permanently maintained efficiency and upgrade strategic
nuclear forces, improved by pre -emptive strikes against potential nuclear forces of other
states and ensuring supremacy for major international crisis.
Given that China, France, Great Britain, India continued their efforts to modernize
their nuclear forces and means for future commitments related to limiting and reducing
nuclear arsenals could be achieved by joining the US -Soviet INF agreement. 51 Adhering to
the principle of not using nuclear power nuclear weapons and the principle non -threathening
to use nuclear weapons against NNWS or against nuclear weapons free zones.
Missile warning system - MWS52 have got only the USA and Russia, possibly in the
distant future a nd China, while France and Britain (developing only naval component) gave
46 The 2005 International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism.
47 See pp. 1 –2 of Article 1, The 2005 International Convention for the Suppression of Ac ts of Nuclear
Terrorism.
48 See pp. 1a, b of Article 2, The 2005 International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear
Terrorism.
49 Iran has been treated harshly and deprived of access to international nuclear markets though it is an original
member of the NPT, though its nuclear facilities have been heavily inspected, though it allowed implementation
of the Additional Protocol for several years, though it has never been (in the eyes of many observers) proven to
have nuclear weapons or even a weapo ns program. See Martha Williams, „On the Importance of MC&A to
Nuclear Security”, CISSM Working Paper, February 2014, 13.
50 How is it that India, outside the regime, uninspected, and unambiguously in possession of nuclear weapons, is
treated better than Ir an, inside the regime and heavily inspected? How it is that nuclear -armed non -member
India gains access to benefits of membership that are meant for members in good standing? See Martha
Williams, „On the Importance of MC&A to Nuclear Security”, CISSM Working Paper, February 2014, 13.
51 The U.S.-Soviet Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF).
52 missile warning system (MWS).
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63
up such a system. It is estimated that China will have the option to develop nuclear offensive
strategic forces than the establishment of a missile defense system (BMD). India is bac king
US civil nuclear field, even if it violates its own principles of non-proliferation.53
An important dimension of safety is the work of submarine forces, particularly anti -
submarines and collision strategic submarines 54 on patrol could be climbing a majo r security
incident light to nuclear conflict. Although there are certain regulations regarding collisions
between ships and between planes,55 there are no provisions to prevent collision submarines,
but only in situations of exercises that can be seen on the other side, although there are
enough regulations in international practice for such situations.56
Russia has reduced the number of strategic missile submarines and patrol the area
proposed to limit strategic missile submarines on patrol while fighting anti-submarine
activities in these areas through a US -Russian agreement containing procedures for verifying
the compliance with its provisions.
The international treaties on non -proliferation focus on the limitation and reduction,
focusing on qualitative d evelopments significant nuclear arsenal especially precision strikes.
In negotiating the NPT, has accepted the existence of American nuclear weapons on their
territory and expanding NATO "nuclear umbrella" essence of coalition strategies of which
the United States and NATO Strategic Concept have no justification. 57 It speaks more than
double standard NPT - powers and its allies can benefit from nuclear weapons and others can
not.
Detection of nuclear safety trend is uncertain because of reductions 58 negotiated by
the United States and Russia will not be changed at least for medium term, even if there is a
proposal to reduce by one third the strategic nuclear forces, negotiations have not started.
NATO invoked as obstacles intention to conduct missile defense systems and strategic and
tactical technologies for placing nuclear weapons in space and satellites threat. Regarding the
reduction of tactical nuclear weapons 59 (TNWs) Condition of American TNWs in Europe
withdrawal.
A new level of nuclear reducti ons under New START, might establish around 500
deployed strategic delivery vehicles 60 and 1,000 nuclear warheads deployed missile
53 See “Armaments, Disarmament and International Security,” SIPRI Yearbook 2007.
54 Two missile -carrying nuclear submarines —French (Triomphant-class) and British (Vanguard -class)—
collided in the Atlantic on 3 February 2009. See Andrei Kokoshin, Ensuring Strategic Stability in the Past and
Present: Theoretical and Applied Questions , Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard
Kennedy School 2011, 55.
55, The U.S. -Soviet Incidents at Sea Agreement (signed on 25 May 1972, was modified and amended in 1979
and 1986 by mutual agreement of the parties). Available at:
http://www.armscontrol.ru/start/Rus/docs/incsea.htm
56 The U.S.-Soviet Incidents at Sea Agreement prohibits the simulation of attacks against ships and aircraft, and
obliges commanders of aircraft of the parties (Article 4) “to use the greatest caution and prudence in
approaching aircraft and ships of the other Party operating on and over the high seas.” The same wording would
be very useful for commanders of submarines as well.
57 Within NATO, for example, twenty -eight member states enjoy the security benefits provided by nuclear
weapons—benefits that are deni ed all other NNWS members of the regime. But, In Article I of the NPT, the
NWS pledge that they will not provide nuclear assistance of any sort “to any recipient whatsoever,” whether
“directly or indirectly.” Similarly, in Article II, NNWS pledge not to re ceive any such assistance, including
“control over such weapons ... directly or indirectly.” See Martha Williams, „On the Importance of MC&A to
Nuclear Security”, CISSM Working Paper, February 2014, 19.
58 See New START.
59 tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs).
60 deployed strategic delivery vehicles.
Research and Science Today No. 2(8)/2014
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defenses61 and increase confidence, TNWs, high -precision conventional weapons and
weapons location in space.
The level of nucle ar safety is dependent nuclear negotiations and remove fears of
further strategic If the US wants the start as soon as possible while the conclusion of Russia
postpones the New START (2021) although descended from two of the three limits of
agreement, and that the life of American missile systems to the Russian is high and the high
potential for improvement in deposit missiles against Russian possibilities. On the other hand,
USA may postpone until 2018, at least to the limits imposed by the treaty, and not to the
bottom.
Bilateral negotiation mechanism suggested Russia should look on technological
developments impact and on nuclear security of both countries and the international
community62 may be further materialized through New START agreement in order to
demonstrate efforts towards non-proliferation, and for a predictivitate mutual agreement.
The term tactical nuclear weapons - TNWs63 can be defined by a joint US -Russian
effort as the foundation of systems analysis, control and procedures to be negotiated,
followed by clarification of the NATO nuclear policy on such weapons. Legislation for the
TNWs regime - as non-strategic weapons remain in storage - can be done through bilateral
agreements or as part of broader treaties to include strategic weapons syste m, carried or
stored in warehouses. Without the establishment of non -intrusive checking procedures will
not check on weapons in warehouses. A possible development could be setting an overall
limit for all nuclear warheads, deployed and in storage, suppleme nted by a limit of the
deposits, and the strategic and tactical compensation systems eliminate any limits to vehicles.
Both nuclear doctrine of the United States and Russia's nuclear strike option are
silent, but development of nuclear safety issues through deterrence of any attack; changing
doctrines, following negotiations to understand each other's intentions make consequential
structural changes (alert nuclear preemptive strike, declarations of intent, mutual declarations,
political mutual fightin g alert, multilateralisation dialogue, non -use of nuclear weapons in
response to a non-nuclear attack).
Balancing TNWs USA (500) - Russia (2000) and not having verification measures 64
in view of Americans need to be balanced, while Russians favor a consolid ation of the
balance with other relationships in the field - withdrawal TNWs in Europe and the dissolution
of adjacent infrastructure, including upgrading of the withdraw of B -61 bombers - divisions
within NATO to preserve or revocation. 65 In addition, it i s unlikely that such negotiation
TNWs regime may begin before negotiations continue New START.
Monitoring the space 66 between Norway and Russia, Poland, Russia, Turkey and
Russia by two coordination centers - in Warsaw and Moscow - may also include operatio n
BMD, promoting transparency, a NATO-Russia Center for the supervision and monitoring of
missile threats or objects space, an initiative of NATO-Russia space cooperation.67
61 deployed strategic warheads.
62 Establishing a transparent verification regime under New START, a consultative mechanism for bilateral
discussions with the present - the New START Bilateral Consultative Commission and the "Working Group on
Arms Control and International Security at the US -Russia Bilateral Presidential Commission" – having China,
France and Britain in a mechanism similar to US-Russia bilateral consultative mechanism.
63 tactical nuclear weapon.
64 See The Presidential Nuclear Initiatives (PNIs -1991 and 1992), which led to independent but reciprocal
steps, resulting in the dismantlement or withdrawal of thousands of TNWs from forward or surface naval
deployment to non-deployed status in centralized storage facilities.
65 See NATO’s Deterrence and Defense Posture Review.
66 See NATO-Russia Cooperative Airspace Initiative (CAI).
67 See The NATO-Russia Cooperative Airspace Initiative.
November 2014
65
CONCLUSIONS
In the medium and long term, the United States and Russia are expected to kick
prompt global software development with suitable precision 68 conventional weapons arms
control procedures and favorable reductions of nuclear weapons in the future. Such weapons
with "non-prompt" weapons could be the subject of measures to increase mutual trust binding
and China.
Concerns regarding their threats: missiles carried on submarines American cruise
missiles69 increasing capabilities of Russia.
Measures to increase confidence in the conventional strategic weapons: informing
Russia about nucl ear strategic movement of all vehicles, not only B -1B bomber; annual
declaration of the maximum number of conventional and nuclear missiles deployed on
different classes of ships and submarines.70
68 See The Conventional Prompt Global Strike (CPGS) program.
69 Tomahawk sea-launched cruise missile (SLCM).
70 See First Report of the Deep Cuts Commission, Preparing for Deep Cuts: Options for Enhancing Euro -
Atlantic and International Security, April 2014, 24.
Research and Science Today No. 2(8)/2014
66
ACRONIME
ABMT Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty Tratatul privind Rachetele Anti-Balistice
DV Delivery Vehicles Vectorii de transport
GZ Global Zero Conceptul Nuclear Zero
HB Heavy Bomber Bombardier greu
IRBM Intermediate-Range Ballistic Missile Rachete cu rază medie de acţiune
ICBM Intercontinental Ballistic Missile Rachetă Balistică Intercontinentală
INF Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty Tratatul privind Forțele Nucleare de Rază Medie
MAD Mutual Assured Destruction Distrugerea Reciprocă Asigurată
MRBM Medium Range Balistic Missiles Rachete cu rază medie de acţiune
MIRVs Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry
Vehicles
Rachete Purtătoare de Multiple Focoase Nucleare
Independente
NSNW Non Strategic Nuclear Weapon Armamentul nuclear non-strategic
SALT I Arms Limitation Talks Discuțiile privind Limitarea Armamentelor
SLBM Submarine Launched Ballistic Missiles Rachete balistice lansate de submarine
SORT Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty Tratatul de Reducere a Capabilitățile Ofensive
START I Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty Tratatul de Reducere a Armelor Strategice
New
START
The New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty Noul Tratat de Reducere a Armelor Strategice